After his failed bid in the Porrugese elections in April 1 976, Mario Snares declared: "I don't need to govern with politicians; I can do it j ust as well with soldiers and specialists. " The new Chinese leaders spout the same discourse. "Military socialism" wasn't born in Peru or Portugal in 1 976, any more than it first appeared 1n Berlin in the 1 930s or in the last century with Bismarck, Napoleon III and "social imperialism." The elimination of the political bourgeoisie's partner is only the realization of a strategic dream based solely on scientific and technological speculation: mili:tarized nations that can do without armies (General Gallois' minimum vital force) .
For Clausewitz, the political State is already a "non-conducting medium, a barrier that prevents ful discharge. " In such a statement, the nature of the military class's ambition is perfectly revealed and the atomic situation projected . . . "Under Bonaparte (general/chief of State) , war was waged without respite until the enemy succumbed, :md the counter-blows were struck with almost equal energy. Surely it is both natural and inescapable that this phenomenon should cause us to turn again to the pure concept of war with all its rigorous Implications. " Dynamic efficiency is the State machine's primary quality, and the nuclear State, ultimate stage of dromological progress, ensures the concept's coh€sion thanks to the strategic cali;:ulator. Faced with and boarded by this ultimate war machine �tands the last military proletarian, the henceforth will-less body l'.1f the President of the Republic, supreme commander of a vanished army. The President's body resembles those of the ancient conscripts i;:aught between two fires. His final act will once again be Assault.
The Consumption of Security
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