In a similar vein, earlier studies consistently show that unionization rates among migrants remain exceptionally low, even in sectors where they constitute a substantial portion of the workforce (Fouskas & Tsevrenis, 2014; Hatziprokopiou & Markova, 2015; Kambouri et al., 2014). For example, in the garment sector in Attica, only 4% of migrants were unionized according to union estimates (Kαψάλης, 2020). These findings underscore the need for Greek trade unions to intensify their efforts to engage and support the migrant workforce and address their specific concerns more effectively.
In a climate of reduced confidence in political reforms and limited institutional support, trade unions in Greece may revise their strategic approaches emphasizing more on targeting hard-to-organize workers, such as migrants who encounter substantial barriers to entering the labour market or securing well-paid, permanent jobs (Hyman, 2001). This strategic shift is expected to lead to more grassroots campaigns and mobilizations in the future, embodying a proactive and confrontational approach.
4 Methodology
Estimating the precise number of migrants in Greece is challenging due to transient populations, insufficient verifiable records, and the intentional avoidance of declaring their presence by individuals aiming to migrate to preferred Northern European countries. For example, according to Kukreja (2023), the estimated number of South Asian men alone does not exceed 200,000. Nevertheless, the official data from the national labour force survey indicate that the number of all non-EU citizens in the Greek labour market in 2023 is something less than 252,300, while according to Κόντης (2017) most migrants in Greece are coming from South Eastern European countries.
To help the current analysis gain a more holistic understanding of the dynamics within the Greek gig economy, particularly regarding the role of migrants, a multifaceted and interpretivist research approach was employed. This approach facilitated the collection of life narratives alongside semi-structured interviews with a purposefully selected, albeit limited, participant pool. This approach yielded valuable insights into the subjective interpretations and lived experiences of gig work within the Greek context. Thematic analysis was subsequently conducted on the interviews (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The data were collected from 25 individual participants.
2 MIGRANT LABOUR IN THE GREEK GIG ECONOMY
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