Parallel to this, the concept of binding-flexibility examines the dual nature of flexibility in gig work. While platforms like Glovo advertise the freedom to choose work hours and manage schedules, underlying constraints—imposed by algorithms, market demands, and regulatory frameworks—limit this flexibility. Migrant students, in particular, encounter additional layers of restriction due to visa regulations and language barriers, which funnel them into specific types of gig work with stringent operational conditions.
Building on the wider discussion about precarity in the gig work, this article delves into the working conditions and daily routines of migrants’ workers in the food delivery via apps in Venice. In the context of Venice, the entanglement of binding-flexibility and algochronos captures the unique challenges faced by walkers navigating the city’s complex urban environment, where geolocation systems often falter, and the physical landscape complicates efficient delivery routes. This assertion is corroborated by the analysis of empirical data, which reveals a close intertwining between the organisation of daily activities, job performance, academic pursuits, and the acquisition of Italian language skills. In addition, when examining the relationship between the work and living conditions of migrants in the urban gig economy, it is imperative to consider the legal and regulatory frameworks that shape these arrangements. Such factors may include labour laws that facilitate non-traditional employment arrangements. Temporality and rhytms (Lefebvre, 2004) are crucial aspects, as couriers must be constantly on time (and online) to ensure the best order assignments. Regarding migrant labour, it is also necessary to consider another temporality: the residence permit, which, for example, determines how much time migrants can work and can exacerbate their vulnerability or restrict their opportunities.
Venice constitutes a novel and compelling subject for the investigation of food delivery work, owing to its bifurcation between the mainland, consisting of Mestre and Marghera with a conventional urban framework, and the historic centre, where mobility is restricted to pedestrian. This unique urban configuration profoundly impacts the execution of food delivery work. Consequently, delivery workers in this context are designated as “walkers” and “runners”, rather than riders.
80
G. PIRINA