{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50","title":"Pressed for Time The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9780226196473","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50","id":"0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50","uuid":"0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50","title":"Pressed for Time The Acceleration of Life in Digital Capitalism","normalized_title":"pressedfortimetheaccelerationoflifeindigitalcapitalism","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9780226196473","isbns":["9780226196473","9780226196503"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":228,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Pressed%20for%20Time%20The%20Acceleration%20of%20Life%20in%20Digital%20Capitalism","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/0cf5c9df-7116-426e-ae21-ce72b2ccbe50/search"},"page":{"printed_page":75,"pdf_page":87,"physical_index":87,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"ddfa2e26dc7e59e2f36c9dec06d0aad2ebbe263d594a479ddb6e9e09c693181d"},"chapter":"Pressed for Time","content":"Up to this point, we have focused on the first dimension, pressures derived from the volume of (clock) time available or the substantive sense of being overloaded. The most comprehensive account of this, as we have seen, is provided by time-diary studies that record and measure the number of minutes devoted to diferent activities. Diaries can be employed to account for patterns of convergence and divergence of time use across diferent countries, social classes, and gender, and to explore the domestic division of labor.38 However, the duration of activities remains the primary focus of analysis. They are much less fit for the purpose of analyzing qualitative dimensions of time, such as the tempo or intensity of activities, and the rhythms and sequences in which activities are conducted.\n\nHere I want to consider the second mechanism listed above, temporal disorganization, which highlights the importance of looking at the rhythms or organization of life. This sense of harriedness is less conspicuous than the substantive form, because it accounts for experiences that are not obviously connected with an absolute shortage of time. It is particularly apposite, however, given the extent to which collective social practices, derived from institutionally stable temporal rhythms, have been eroded.\n\nWe live in a society in which the standard working week, where work was synchronized for a substantial proportion of the population, is no longer the norm. Flexible working hours, 24/7 working time, and contract work create coordination problems, as working times and locations are increasingly deregulated and scattered. The growth of nonstandard evening and weekend work hours is also associated with increased time pressures, in part because they decrease individuals’ abilities to mesh work schedules with the social activities of friends and family as well as to find adequate time to sleep. While higher socioeconomic groups may be able to utilize flexibilization to gain greater control over their time, lower status groups sufer from temporal fragmentation caused by working irregular hours.\n\nNevertheless, socializing is made more dificult for both groups because of the weakening of the shared sociotemporal order and a corresponding fragmenting of activity. As Southerton elaborates, whereas the middle classes tend to meet more by prearrangement, the working classes use public spaces to meet where there is a strong likelihood of meeting network members by chance.39 In both cases, however, coordination becomes increasingly problematic. It means that by “turning up” in public spaces, one is less likely to meet friends and acquaintances because they might work at diferent times of the day. (No wonder mobile phones have become essential aids to the personalization of scheduling—a matter we leave for discussion later.) Various consumption practices also involve interaction within social networks that require coordination. In sum, the problem of coordination is collective—it requires the alignment of practices across the schedules of social networks. In this sense, harriedness is a consequence of the dificulty of coordinating practices in time and space.\n\nThe Time-Pressure Paradox\n\n75","previous_page":74,"next_page":76}