{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","uuid":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","normalized_title":"timeconsumptionandeverydaylifepracticematerialityandculture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":236,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Time%2C%20Consumption%20and%20Everyday%20Life%20Practice%2C%20Materiality%20and%20Culture","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/search"},"page":{"printed_page":125,"pdf_page":126,"physical_index":126,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"980e7c26f5660a6a60e128b678c2423e22c05868dcf72241895c452734d4e136"},"chapter":"List of Tables and Figures","content":"The seed trade placed this emphasis on the processing tasks that added value to the commodity of seeds because otherwise the modes of production of purveyor and consumer were hard to distinguish. In fact, it could be said that plants themselves ‘produce’ seeds, so the human role is one of tending and care. Many nineteenthcentury industries developed mechanized production processes that, while replicating and replacing earlier craft-based work, could not themselves be replicated on a domestic scale or without significant capital investment. Seed growers, however, shared their work processes with the farmers and gardeners who would eventually buy their goods. Still, at least in the large firms, there was fluidity between work sites that brought aspects of one location to another. For example, the W. Atlee Burpee Company rotated employees between their Philadelphia warehouse and their growing and testing fields at Fordhook Farm a few miles outside of the city; stints on the farm would give the best training in identification and sorting to those in the warehouse, while an understanding of the processing would lead to increased systematizing of the Farm (Burpee’s Farm Annual 1893: 1). The labour of the seed trade was indeed a hybrid of agricultural (or horticultural) and industrial practice.\n\nIn one important inversion of the rhythms of these sectors of work, the tasks within the urban warehouse work followed a seasonal calendar thought typical of agriculture while the presentation of the growing fields was in terms of rigid systems and clock-watching. Fordhook Farm was a popular site, certainly the best known of any seed farm in the United States in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and was frequently profiled in agricultural and horticultural papers, as well as Burpee’s own marketing materials. In one of the company’s Farm Annuals the farm is described in terms that certainly call to mind industrial settings. The work at the farm\n\ncould not be accomplished if it were not done systematically. And truly, this is the keynote of the great success attained here in high cultivation and development – system. Everything moves by clockwork, and everybody about the farm, from the manager to the boy in the fields, is regulated by the strictest of rules and observances. Every man know just what he has to do, and knows that no slipshod or incomplete work will be tolerated . . . It is hard to convey to the public any idea whatever of the enormous amount of work. (Burpee’s Farm Annual 1896: 3)\n\nHere, not just the calendar but also the clock sets the pace for horticultural work.\n\nThe emphasis on ‘system’ evident in Burpee’s trade literature is perhaps not surprising, in a trade trying to avoid just the ‘riotous’ characterization that White placed on them a century later. But similar rhetoric reached consumers as well, in a variety of forms. A small genre of advice literature written in the form of novels emerged in the mid to late nineteenth century in the United States, using fictional characters and plot developments as an innovative form of prescriptive literature, often on matters of the home and garden. One practitioner of this genre, Charles\n\nCalendars and Clocks\n\n125","previous_page":124,"next_page":126}