{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","uuid":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","normalized_title":"timeconsumptionandeverydaylifepracticematerialityandculture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":236,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Time%2C%20Consumption%20and%20Everyday%20Life%20Practice%2C%20Materiality%20and%20Culture","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/search"},"page":{"printed_page":181,"pdf_page":180,"physical_index":180,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"984baf12d630d23a0f5dec6873179f00a68e2615e88072a30bf8a315cf01d7ce"},"chapter":"List of Tables and Figures","content":"on a special tray made of white cedar wood that is also used to make offerings to the deities at temples and shrines. In the home these offerings are placed either on the god shelf or, more commonly, in the decorative alcove, as was the case in the Kuwaharas’ home.\n\nAt the end of the New Year’s period (around 7 January) the pounded rice cakes have to be broken up and shared among either the community (when offered at religious institutions) or family members (in the home). As Yanagita (1951) highlighted in his definition of annual events, the sharing of food offerings is a key element of Japanese rituals of regeneration. Inside the Kuwaharas’ home some pieces of the kagamimochi were warmed up and eaten with soya sauce; others were integrated either in soups or in other everyday dishes. Some pieces were wrapped in foil and taken home by Mrs Kuwahara’s unmarried sister; others were given to an elderly neighbour who lives on her own. The fact that these offerings need to be consumed completely is rather problematic in contemporary Japan because family size continues to shrink, single-person households are on the increase, and neighbourhood networks through which surplus food was formerly shared have become weakened (Daniels in press). Moreover, even the larger families in my sample told me that they were not that keen about having to eat mochi for a considerable time after the New Year. While, some of the younger mothers, meanwhile, complained that their children did not like their taste or their texture.\n\nSeasonal and Commercial Rhythms\n\n181","previous_page":180,"next_page":182}