{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","uuid":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","normalized_title":"timeconsumptionandeverydaylifepracticematerialityandculture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":236,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Time%2C%20Consumption%20and%20Everyday%20Life%20Practice%2C%20Materiality%20and%20Culture","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/search"},"page":{"printed_page":190,"pdf_page":189,"physical_index":189,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"62c50b1e02591d86a28c2bc0bead071d16f1329e3f9ecdbc4ded9ee164fec6ee"},"chapter":"List of Tables and Figures","content":"A special time can be defined or marked by extraordinariness, ceremonial rituals, magic and enchantment (Durkheim 1995 [1912]; Gronow and Warde 2001; Kozinets 2001), slowness as opposed to fastness (Petrini 2003), a process of warming (Ger 2005), a healing power (Belk et al. 1989) or an orientation to leisure, pleasure and contemplation (Petrini 2003; Stevens et al. 2003). Special times seem as if separate from the ordinary, largely taken-for-granted, therefore barely noticeable time. They are distinguished from ordinary times through particular discourses, sensibilities and objects. Objects not only serve as symbolic marks of particular times, but also bring us into particular relationships with time. Consider objects such as handmade laces that serve to warm the cold present of modern electronics (Ger 2005) or background music that ‘moves’ time-stilled boredom into a time of joy (Anderson 2004). In this way objects partake in the process of making ordinary and special times. Notably, unlike Durkheimian special time, which is objectified with extraordinary things and rituals, we argue that special times can also be objectified with mundane consumption, as in slow food, slow tea, hobbies, watching favourite sports games, reading a magazine, playing cards, lighting a cigarette, drinking alcoholic beverages, listening to music, watching television or doing Tai Chi (e.g. Jalas 2006 and in this volume; Nowotny 1994; Petrini 2003; Slater in this volume; Stevens et al. 2003).\n\nTea Culture in Turkey: Untemporality and Unspatiality\n\nTurkey is more known for its coffee than tea. Yet, Turkish people drink more tea than coffee. Fifty-two per cent of their non-alcoholic beverage consumption is tea. Turkey tops the charts in per capita tea consumption (2.5 kg compared to the UK’s 2.1 kg in 2004).This high rate is due to the availability of places to consume tea, social practices and norms, and domestic production along the Black Sea coast. Turkey is the second largest tea market in the world (after India), with a total tea volume of about 180,000 tonnes in 2004. Indeed, tea is served anytime – for breakfast, before and after meals – and everywhere – offices, hospitals, buses, trains, cafés, restaurants and homes. In the streets, one can see a çaycl (tea-waiter) making his continuous tea delivery rounds, carrying tea-filled tulip-shaped glasses on saucers with tiny teaspoons and cubes of sugar on a silver platter that hangs from silver chains. In airports, representations of such ‘Turkish tea’ welcome international guests, who may well be served teabag teas in mugs in the upscale establishments of the airport (see Figure 12.1). In many workplaces, there is often a person whose official duty is to make hot tea available to employees at all times. In many homes, a çaydanlık (double teapot) is continuously boiling, so that some steaming hot tea is ready all the time. Our informants noted that tea drinking is ‘a natural part of daily life’, ‘any time is a good time for tea’ and ‘you can get tea everywhere, in all places’.\n\n190\n\nGüliz Ger and Olga Kravets","previous_page":null,"next_page":191}