{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","id":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","uuid":"1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title":"Time, Consumption and Everyday Life Practice, Materiality and Culture","normalized_title":"timeconsumptionandeverydaylifepracticematerialityandculture","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":236,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Time%2C%20Consumption%20and%20Everyday%20Life%20Practice%2C%20Materiality%20and%20Culture","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/1dc0854c-957b-4fb1-af9a-bb4fdb76b77e/search"},"page":{"printed_page":50,"pdf_page":55,"physical_index":55,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"35d281891584130aeacbb23b63341bf487be60c4debaeb5584a151027960d6d0"},"chapter":"List of Tables and Figures","content":"The third, and most prominent, account of time pressure is Schor’s (1992, 1998) ‘work–spend’ cycles. Schor explains the economic benefits for firms of training a limited number of employees who work long hours as opposed to a large number of employees who work limited hours. She also highlights the significance of consumer culture in ‘ratcheting’ upwards the hours people spend in paid work. Assuming people value their consumption relative to others and that a global consumer culture places the life-styles of the most affluent as the key consumer referent group, then ‘the average individual needs to earn more money’ (Schor 1998: 123). The logic of global capitalism is that people work more to consume more. The difficulty with this argument, and to some extent those of rationalization and economic restructuring, is that central to these theories is that people are spending more time in paid work. While this is (marginally) true for the professional middle classes during the period between the early 1980s and late 1990s, it is not the case for all social groups, and time diary evidence shows a significant and progressive decline of time spent in paid work over the course of the twentieth century (Gershuny 2000).\n\nGiven this empirical conundrum, the fourth group of accounts set out to explain why people may feel more time pressured even when time spent in paid and unpaid work appears to be on a long-term trajectory of decline. Linder’s (1970) harried leisure class is the catalyst for a range of accounts which point to the intensification of leisure practices. Such accounts variously highlight how leisure has become less leisurely as people rush to cram more and more leisure activities into finite time. Gershuny (2005) goes so far as to claim that busyness has become a ‘badge of honour’; a principal source of social status. Other accounts consider the impacts of reflexive modernization. Darier (1998) suggests that being busy is symbolic of a ‘full’ and ‘valued’ life. In his conceptualization of the problem, reflexive modernization and the requirement of individuals to narrate their identity through styles of consumption (see Bauman 1988 and Giddens 1991 for a detailed exposition of this theory) brings with it the demands of trying new and varied experiences, and it is this which leads individuals toward the infinite pursuit of more cultural practices. Being busy is hypothesized as a necessary requirement of reflexive identity formation.\n\nThe fifth and final set of accounts draws attention to transformations in the temporal ordering of social life. Innovations in communication technologies produce time-space compression where constraints related to time and space are progressively decoupled (Giddens 1991). Under such conditions, Rosa (2003)\n\n50\n\nDale Southerton","previous_page":49,"next_page":51}