{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","uuid":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","normalized_title":"democracyandotherneoliberalfantasiescommunicativecapitalismandleftpolitics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":229,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Democracy%20and%20Other%20Neoliberal%20Fantasies%20Communicative%20Capitalism%20and%20Left%20Politics","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":105,"pdf_page":115,"physical_index":115,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"02bde9e20787e58a9ca99179ac14dc1cff900bcf6f120a7a3d5ca59153b720ad"},"chapter":"Comunicative Capitalism & Left Politics","content":"For Eisenhower, it is time for America to reafirm and proclaim the faith of the free in man's deathless dignity as governed by eternal and natural law. \"This faith defines our full view of life;' he declares. \"It establishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator that are man's inalienable rights, and that make all men equal in His sight:' Enemies of this faith worship force and torture truth. America's destiny as the leader of the free world is thus to confront these enemies with confidence, conviction, moral strength, and1 again, staunch faith. Al Americans must be united as they renew their faith and devote themselves to the nation's fundamental precepts: \"No person, no home, no community can be beyond the reach of this call. We are summoned to act in wisdom and in conscience, to work with industry, to teach with persuasion, to preach with conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and with compassion. For this truth must be clear before us: whatever America hopes to bring to pass in the world must first come to pass in the heart of America:' The United States stands on a moral precipice facing the ultimate confrontation between good and evil. What Roosevelt and Truman p,rojected into the future as the possible object of a collective project confronts America as a problem now, in the present. Evil is that in opposition to which America can know and realize who it is.32\n\nJohn F. Kennedy's inaugural address (\"ask not what your country can do for you . . :') adopts a tone decidedly diferent from Eisenhower's. Rather than emphasizing a fundamental division in the world, Kennedy appeals to hopes for peace, to civility, to arms control, to scientifc wonder (rather than terror), and to shared struggle against common problems of disease, poverty, and war. Kennedy's language is also far less religious than Eisenhower's (likely because religious language from Kennedy would suggest his Catholicism and could occasion anxiety about papal influence).\n\nThese changes do not lead to a discursive environment completely inhospitable to evil-but close. In two speeches given in June 1963, Kennedy refers to communism as an evil system. But he qualifies these remarks, noting that \"no government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue\" and bracketing the attribution of evil as words of \"a few who saY:'33 Such qualification may have enabled the mutated evil that appears in his address on the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. This �peech links evil neither to America's moral destiny nor to economic and social ills. Rather, evil appears as a judgment in non-American eyes, as how others may see Arierica. The president notes: \"These tests befoul the air of all men and all nations, the committed and the uncommitted alike, without their knowledge and without their consent. That is why the continuation of atmospheric testing causes so many countries to regard all nuclear powers as equally evil; and we can hope that its prevention will enable all those countries to see the world more clearly, while enabling all the world to breathe more easily.\"34 Kennedy's language suggests that if America looks at itself from the perspective of nonaligned nations, it might well recognize a more complex moral world than the one governing its prior assumptions of right.\n\nRES O LVE\n\n105","previous_page":104,"next_page":106}