{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","uuid":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","normalized_title":"democracyandotherneoliberalfantasiescommunicativecapitalismandleftpolitics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":229,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Democracy%20and%20Other%20Neoliberal%20Fantasies%20Communicative%20Capitalism%20and%20Left%20Politics","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":106,"pdf_page":116,"physical_index":116,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"94d686c932ec1b93f53d3045882ce798d5b44a9f094ac29ffc304d5009f1660b"},"chapter":"Comunicative Capitalism & Left Politics","content":"Lyndon B. Johnson retains this �ore complex vision, one less suited to a language of \"evil:' His \"Let Us Continue1' speech, given soon after IZennedy's assassination, doesn't declare war on evil or attempt to unite Americans in steadfast dedication to evil's eradication. Johnson holds that the challenge is not to linger over this \"evil mon;1ent\" but instead to move forward. To this end, he urges Congress to increase taxes and enact a civil rights bill. Johnson concludes: \"The time has come for <sup>.Ari\\_,</sup>ericans of al races and creeds and political beliefs to understand and respect each other; So let us put an end to the teaching and the preaching of hate and evil an<sup>d</sup> violence. Let us turn away from the fanatics of the far left and the far right, from th apostles of bitterness and bigotrY:'35 Finding evil's proper home in the extreme speech of fanatics, Johnson attempts to weed it out of political speech.\n\nYet he can't eliminate it entirely. Evil sometimes appears in its older form as a social and economic evil, as lack and deprivation.36 Evil also sprouts up in Johnson's 1967 State of the Union address, albeit sheltered within a quote from Thomas Jeferson: \"It is the melancholy law of human societies to be compeled sometimes to choose . a great evil in order to ward of a greater evil:' Johnson here uses Jeferson's words to justify the choice to fight a limited war in Vietnam.\n\n106\n\nFOUR","previous_page":105,"next_page":107}