{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","uuid":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","normalized_title":"democracyandotherneoliberalfantasiescommunicativecapitalismandleftpolitics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":229,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Democracy%20and%20Other%20Neoliberal%20Fantasies%20Communicative%20Capitalism%20and%20Left%20Politics","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":112,"pdf_page":122,"physical_index":122,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"cc1da8664ab6a7340511a52914bfb9a5865e96cae5a20650f941e218879ed3e8"},"chapter":"Comunicative Capitalism & Left Politics","content":"Although this evil is not identical to the evil of Marxism-Leninism, although it is not systematic, coherent, or localized, it continues, inevitably, to permeate the world. Reagan declares, \"Its ideology may be nothing more than bloodlustj no program more complex than economic plunder or military aggrandizement. But it is evil all the same. And wherever there are forces in the world that would destroy the human spirit and diminish human potential, they must be recognized and they must be countered:' The mission Reagan envisions is for \"civilzed nations\" to stand \"in unison\" against \"immoral and deadly excesses\" around the globe such as those undertaken by Saddam Hussein and in places like Bosnia, Somalia, and Sudan.\n\nFighting these evils wil require imposing \"civilized standards\" of inter.: national conduct and enforcing those standards with a fully equipped United Nations force-\"an army of conscience.\" Thus, Reagan chalenges his Oxford audience to contribute to the \"age-old battle for individual freedom and human dignity:' The next generations, like the ones before them, have a cause, and service to this cause wil give their lives meaning. They should not forget the victims of sufering �d violence. AB Reagan enjoins, \"Do not abandon them to the eVils of totalitarian rule or demo:. cratic neglect:' In this late speech, then, democratic neglect, failure to name and act, is itself an evil, one that Reagan is continuing to fight.\n\nSince Reagan's presidency ended, conservatives have continued to praise his resolve. Crediting him with bringing down the Soviet Union and, echoing his 1984 campaign theme, restoring morning to America after the \"malaise\" of the Carter years, those on America's political right celebrate Reagan for the realism and moral strength of his political message. But what is realism? Does \"realism\" refer to the emphasis oil security characteristic of the realist school of international relations? H so, why are a bifurcated worldview and disdain for arms control realistic responses to a nuclear standof?\n\nA better way to conceive Reagan's realism focuses on his supposition of ontological evil. For Reagan, evil is Real. It flows throughout the world, threatening and subverting the civlzed order. Its pervasive, excessive nature, moreover, makes evil slippery, deceptive. Recognizing it, naming it, thus requires resolve-the will to break with conventional wisdom, to stop paying lip service to the order of appearances, and to reject established political norms (this rejection of norms is a key feature of realist international relations). Insofar as conventional wisdom, the order of appearances, and established norms are ;n.ot to be recognized, insofar as the symbolic order is violated or denied, strength of will is a necessity. Evil cannot just be named. Once named, it must he met, confronted, countered. Responding to evil demands a willingness to \"do what is necessary;' to engage in acts and practices that, from the perspective of the symbolic, may themselves seem to he evil.\n\n112\n\nFOUR","previous_page":111,"next_page":113}