{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","id":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","uuid":"2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","normalized_title":"democracyandotherneoliberalfantasiescommunicativecapitalismandleftpolitics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":229,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Democracy%20and%20Other%20Neoliberal%20Fantasies%20Communicative%20Capitalism%20and%20Left%20Politics","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/2619284f-c364-4de3-bdf4-82f768dbc1c5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":97,"pdf_page":107,"physical_index":107,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"eca3f0cffa742ebf158cc9b31bd7116ec75bdb4764a7dc7ec1caeb0042930767"},"chapter":"Comunicative Capitalism & Left Politics","content":"The discursive environment of the culture wars supports an additional assumption linked to claims that 9 I 1 changed everything, namely, the assumption that relativists hate America. A number of conservative thinkers contend that the problem with liberals and postmodernists is not that they are relativists but, on the contrary, that their apparent ethical pluralism is in fact ideological. Liberals and their ilk are not really relativist at all. Rather, liberals believe that America itself is evil. 8 For these conservatives, relativism and its multicultural, ecumenical, and ethically pluralist kin serve as the ideological guise of a treasonous anti-Americanism. They take it as a given that a concept of evil remains part of a postmodern worldview, a worldview antithetical to American values that September u revealed to be a threat to American unity and security.\n\nThe problem with the idea that September 11 provides the conditions of possibility for Bush's use of \"evil\" because \"everything has changed\" is that it is too vague to account for the specificity of the rhetoric of evil. Why did the change in \"everything\" not reconfigure political language in terms of hope, care, and the triumph of the human spirit? Why did support for the police and firefighters not lead to a renewed commitment to the sharing of benefits and burdens, to a more equitable distribution of privilege and prosperity? That contemporary political rhetoric does not provide a hospitable environment for such a political language seems fairly obvious-but why? A plausible account needs to attend to the culture wars, finding there the context delimiting \"everything:'\n\nEven if there were a plausible link between 9 I 11 and evil, this link could not extend by itself to North Korea, Iran, and Iraq. What made this link possible?9 What enabled this use of \"evil\"? An appeal to September u can't answer these questions-none of these countries had anything to do with September n.\n\nThe second obvious explanation for \"evil\" in Bush's speech points to the prominence of religion in American life. Surely here we find a readily available reservoir of terms of moral denunciation and outrage. Eighty percent or more of Americans do not doubt the existence of God, pray daily, and believe in a final judgment.10 The religious right is a powerful political force, one that has strengthened its hold and influence over the past thirty years. 1 1\n\nRESOLVE\n\n97","previous_page":96,"next_page":98}