{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe","title":"Zombie Capitalism Global Crisis and the Relevance of Marx","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9781608461042","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe","id":"4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe","uuid":"4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe","title":"Zombie Capitalism Global Crisis and the Relevance of Marx","normalized_title":"zombiecapitalismglobalcrisisandtherelevanceofmarx","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9781608461042","isbns":["9781608461042"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":426,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Zombie%20Capitalism%20Global%20Crisis%20and%20the%20Relevance%20of%20Marx","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/4a3d22bd-c5b9-47a4-a022-bd35d44d9bfe/search"},"page":{"printed_page":111,"pdf_page":111,"physical_index":111,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"21afd5476c68c2339ac750abbf1f229a75c4debecb678839885722b44c62c295"},"chapter":"Zombie Capitalism Global Crisis and the Relevance of Marx","content":"The coercive and the integrative mechanisms depend on organisation and leadership from outside the sphere of capitalist exploitation and accumulation as such-from military and police specialists on the one hand, from political leaders able to mobilise some degree of social support on the other. An effective state requires the building of coalitions that obtain the support-or at least the compliance-of such elements while allowing them a certain leeway to pursue their own interests.78 It then, inevitably, reflects not just the interests of capital in general, but the concessions it makes to integrate other social groups and classes into its rule. It necessarily displays an important degree of autonomy.\n\nMarx commented in 1871 that \"the complicated state machinery . . . with its ubiquitous and complicated military, bureaucratic, clerical and judiciary organs, encoils the living society like a boa constrictor . . . \" The state bureaucracy arises to assure the domination of the existing ruling class, but in the process becomes a \"parasite\" which is capable of \"humbling under its sway even the interests of the ruling classes . . . \"79\n\nThis autonomy reaches its highest points when governmental power lies with reformist, populist or fascist parties with a powerful base among workers, peasants or the petty bourgeoisie. There are cases when those who exercise such autonomy are able to break with and even expropriate important capitalist interests within their territory. This was to be true on numerous occasions in the course of the 20th century-German Nazism, Argentine Peronism, Nasserism in Egypt, Ba'athism in Syria and Iraq, are all examples. There are also innumerable cases in which individual capitals behave in ways detrimental to the interests of \"their\" state-moving funds and investment abroad, doing deals with foreign capitalists that undercut other local capitals, even selling weapons to states fighting their own.\n\nYet there are limits to the extent to which a state can break free from its capitals, and capitals from their state. A state may override the interests of particular capitalists; it cannot forget that its own revenues and its own ability to defend itself against other states depend on the continuation of capital accumulation. Conversely, the individual capital can, with considerable difficulty, uproot itself from one national state terrain and plant itself in another; but it cannot operate for any length of time in a \"Wild West\" situation with no effective state to protect it both against those forces below which might disrupt its normal rhythms of exploitation and against other capitals and their states.\n\nBeyond Marx: Monopoly, War and the State\n\n111","previous_page":110,"next_page":112}