{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed","title":"Digital Capitalism","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"2021022153","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed","id":"50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed","uuid":"50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed","title":"Digital Capitalism","normalized_title":"digitalcapitalism","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"2021022153","isbns":["2021022153","9781032119182","9781032119205","9781003222149","2405518376"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":343,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Digital%20Capitalism","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/50b7f922-b940-4a05-8eb0-c4dc0d8ec9ed/search"},"page":{"printed_page":225,"pdf_page":239,"physical_index":239,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"9fe8e0ae1669264f3420dee2268262e66a49a2d8b14c047d53e9317982d8afae"},"chapter":"DIGITAL CAPITALISM","content":"I also conducted a correlation analysis of the variables that cover protest mobilisation communication (Fuchs 2014c): the frequency of activism tends to positively influence the frequency of media use for informing oneself about the movement, sharing user-generated content online, communication between activists using various media, and using media for protest mobilisation communication. The use of face-to-face communication and online communication tend to mutually reinforce each other. The use of various online media for information, the sharing of user-generated content, and protest mobilisation also tends to mutually reinforce each other. We can therefore not say that online communication either determines protest or is unimportant. There is a dialectic of online and offline protest communication: activists use multiple online and offline channels for obtaining information, discussing protests, and trying to mobilise others. Online communication and face-toface communication for these purposes tend to mutually reinforce each other.\n\nThe next section will show how right-wing ideology has in the contemporary crisis not just shaped society, but as a consequence also social media.\n\n9.5 Social Media Ideology #2: Red Scare 2.0<sup>3</sup>\n\nAnti-socialist ideology is at least as old as capitalism. After Marx’s death, British rightwing media described Das Kapital as being “repellent in its cold formalism” and called Marx the “cold and methodical organiser of the International Association of Workers” (The Morning Post, March 19, 1883). The “English working men would not care to be identified with these principles [of communism] in their bald form” (Leicester Chronicle and the Leicestershire Mercury, 24 March 1883). The Times (18 January 1919) wrote three days after Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht had been assassinated about Luxemburg: “Had power in Germany fallen into her hands, she would have surpassed the reign of terror of the Russian Bolshevists”. This statement indirectly welcomes her murder and implies that not her assassination is a form of terror, but that her politics were terroristic and that she therefore deserved to be killed.\n\nIn the 1980s, right-wing British news media characterised the Labour Party-left and especially the Greater London Council, local London councils, Ken Livingstone, and Tony Benn as the “loony Left”. The term “loony Left” “combines two concepts, insanity and left-wing politics, with a subtext that suggests irrational authoritarianism” (Curran, Petley and Gaber 2005, 229).\n\nChapter Nine | Social Media and the Capitalist Crisis\n\n225\n\nSocial Media Ideology #2: Red Scare 2.03\n\n3 This section is a short summary of some aspects presented in Fuchs (2016c).","previous_page":224,"next_page":226}