{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title":"帝国：全球化的政治秩序","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9787214049100","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","uuid":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title":"帝国：全球化的政治秩序","normalized_title":"帝国全球化的政治秩序","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9787214049100","isbns":["9787214049100"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":416,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/%E5%B8%9D%E5%9B%BD%EF%BC%9A%E5%85%A8%E7%90%83%E5%8C%96%E7%9A%84%E6%94%BF%E6%B2%BB%E7%A7%A9%E5%BA%8F","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":110,"pdf_page":128,"physical_index":128,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"b692f2128c14163474309ac2a0c5f3e83d9b05ff1618b5b58cb437d6a4be3838"},"chapter":"第五章 民族国家的主权","content":"从属民族主义的前进和后退的两个方面的含混性在美国的黑人民族主义传统中都得到了体现。尽管这种民族主义已被剥夺了任何领土，但它同样展示出两项基本的进步功能，有时它也努力把自己推上同那些有着明确领土界定的国家相类似的位置。举例而言，在20世纪60年代早期，在万隆会议的推动下，也随应着非洲和拉丁美洲民族解放斗争的出现，马尔科姆·X试图将非裔美国人斗争的中心由“民权”转向“人权”，从而把论坛的诉求对象由美国国会转向联大。①就如马科斯·加维以后的许多黑人领袖一样，马尔科姆·X清楚地认识到以一个国家和一个民族的身份发言的份量。在这里，国家概念成了一种保护，把自己同霸权性的“外部”力量区分开，同时也代表着统一的共同体的自治力量，代表着人民的力量。\n\n比这些理论性和策略性立场更为重要的则是黑人民族主义者的实际行动：从社区操练队、游行到用餐项目、独立的学校、社区经济发展计划和自给自足计划。威尼玛·卢比亚诺(WahneemaLubiano)如此评论道：“黑人民族主义的重要意义就在于它在美国黑人的生活中无所不在。”②在种类繁多的活动和不同的生活领域中，黑人民族主义明确提出自我评估系统，以形成共同体，凸现相对的自决和自我立宪。尽管黑人民族主义中包含许多互不相关的现象，我们仍能从中辨认出从属民族主义的两项基本激进功能：保卫共同体，统一共同体。\n\n政治学前沿系列·帝国\n\n①参阅 Malcolm X的文章“The Ballot or the Bullet”,收录于 Malcolm X Speaks(New York: Pathfinder.1989)。关于MalcolmX的民族主义，尤其是他在生命最后的岁月里试图建立 非—美团结组织的努力的讨论，参阅William Sales,Jr.的专著From Civil Rights toBlack Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End Press,1994)。\n\n②参阅 Wahncema Lubiano 的文章“Black Nationalism and Black Common Sense: PolicingOurselves and Others”，该文收录入 Wahneema Lubiano 主编的论文集 The House That RaceBuilt(New York:Vintage,1997)。读者也可参阅 Wahneema Lubiano 的另一篇文章“Stand-ing in for the State: Black Nationalism and 'Writing'the Black Subject\",该文刊载于Alpha-bet City, no.3(October 1993)。\n\n110","previous_page":109,"next_page":111}