{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title":"帝国：全球化的政治秩序","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9787214049100","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","uuid":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title":"帝国：全球化的政治秩序","normalized_title":"帝国全球化的政治秩序","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9787214049100","isbns":["9787214049100"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":416,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/%E5%B8%9D%E5%9B%BD%EF%BC%9A%E5%85%A8%E7%90%83%E5%8C%96%E7%9A%84%E6%94%BF%E6%B2%BB%E7%A7%A9%E5%BA%8F","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":227,"pdf_page":245,"physical_index":245,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"d2b94f739b9512f3de2ac0d26a767f64fcafddfd70d2ecd9076567fb83f8e595"},"chapter":"第十章 帝国主义的局限","content":"这样，在大体上采纳了这些作者的分析方法的同时，列宁拒绝了他们的政治立场。尽管列宁基本上同意希尔佛丁对走向由众寡头统治的世界市场的趋势的分析，但他不同意那样一个体制事实上已经形成能够调解利润率，使之均衡的方法。他的否定政治成分多于理论成分。列宁坚持认为资本主义的发展在垄断阶段会被一系列的矛盾所困扰，而共产主义者不得不由此行动起来。工人运动的职责就是反对每一个要有效地将帝国主义利润率均衡化的资本主义企图；革命政党的任务则是干预并深化发展中的客观矛盾。最需要避免的是实现走向“超帝国主义”的趋势，它将极度地增强资本的力量，并在一段长时间内不让最大的矛盾产生斗争的可能性出现，由此弱化了统治链条上的诸环节。或者出于希望，或者出于预测，列宁写道：“这种发展产生于那样的环境下，有那样的节奏，并且通过那样的矛盾、冲突和混乱——不仅是经济的而且是政治的、全国性的，等等——以致于帝国主义不可避免地将崩溃，而资本主义将被转化成它的反面，这一切都远在一个世界性的托拉斯形成之前，远在超帝国主义’的世界范围内的各国金融资本的合并发生之前。”②\n\n此处列宁在分析方法和政治立场之间的逻辑转化当然是曲折的。然而，他的推理主观上说是非常有效的。正如伊丽亚·贝博所说，列宁的思想沿着“直线的神秘弯道”运行，将工人阶级的现实分析带到了该政治组织的必然性之上。列宁认识到帝国主义特性中过早出现的因素，在工人阶级的主观实践中不仅抓住了阻碍线性地解决资本主义实现的危机的潜在限制(对此卢森堡也强调过)，而且抓住了这些实践—斗争，暴乱与革命——能够摧毁帝国主义自身这一现存和具体的可能性。①在这一意义上列宁从理论到实践对帝国主义进行了批判。\n\n第十章 帝国主义的局限\n\n① V. I. Lenin, \"Preface to N. Bukharin's Pamphlet, Imperialism and the World Economy,\" in Collected Works (Moscow:Progress Publishers,1964), quotation p. 106. See also Lenin, Imperialism.\n\n② Lenin, “Preface to N. Bukharin's Pamphlet, Imperialism and the World Economy\".\n\n227","previous_page":226,"next_page":228}