{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title":"帝国：全球化的政治秩序","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9787214049100","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","id":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","uuid":"6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title":"帝国：全球化的政治秩序","normalized_title":"帝国全球化的政治秩序","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9787214049100","isbns":["9787214049100"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":416,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/%E5%B8%9D%E5%9B%BD%EF%BC%9A%E5%85%A8%E7%90%83%E5%8C%96%E7%9A%84%E6%94%BF%E6%B2%BB%E7%A7%A9%E5%BA%8F","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/6501a938-d72c-455e-aee4-85513a77faa5/search"},"page":{"printed_page":90,"pdf_page":108,"physical_index":108,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"075bcd26503f1b1b59d29465a144194c2440b81f339cd0d418c4fa9155ef5fc0"},"chapter":"第四章 两个欧洲，两种现代性","content":"欧洲现代性同资本主义密不可分。这一现代主权的内容与形式之间的核心关系在亚当·斯密的著作中已得到全面阐述。斯密以一种工业理论开始他的论述，这一理论提出私人致富同公众利益之间的矛盾冲突。解决此矛盾的第一张药方是市场的“看不见的手”：资本家“只为自己的利益着想”，但他会“被一只看不见的手所引导，去促进本非他所愿的目的”。③可这第一张药方药力既不牢靠，药性又不持久。作为管理和立法科学的一个分枝，政治经济学必须找到更好的药方。它必须把市场的“看不见的手”理解为政治经济自身的产物，它朝向建立市场的自律状态：“即使所有的系统——不管是优惠性的还是抑制性的—都被撤除，自然自由的明显而又朴素的系统会自动建立起来。”④然而，这张药方还是没有得到保障。实际上，还有一个必需的第三步，所需要的是一个国家政权，它规模微小，但卓有成效，它迫使个人的利益同大众的利益相吻合，它把一切社会功能和一切劳动活动简化到一重价值标准之下。这个国家干涉与否尚是次要的，至关重要的是它给予利益的调和以实际内容，且代表着那种调和中理性的一方。现代国家的政治超验性被界定为经济超验性。斯密的价值理论不仅是现代主权国家概念的发源，也构成这一概念的实体。\n\n现代主权理论和资本主义政治经济学的价值理论的合成最终在黑格尔那里完成。同样，在他的著作中也实现了现代主权理论的绝对论与共和论，也就是说霍布斯式理论和卢梭式理论的完美结合。\n\n政治学前沿系列·帝国\n\n①参阅 C. B. Macpherson 的专著 The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism(Oxford:Oxford University Press,1962)。\n\n②参阅 Arif Dirlik 的专著 The Postcolonial Aura(Boulder: Westview Press,1997)。\n\n③ 参阅 Adam Smith 的 The Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations(Oxford: ClarendonPress,1976)。\n\n④同上。\n\n90","previous_page":89,"next_page":91}