{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d","title":"Speed and Politics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"1584350407","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d","id":"95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d","uuid":"95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d","title":"Speed and Politics","normalized_title":"speedandpolitics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"1584350407","isbns":["1584350407","9781584350408"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":175,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Speed%20and%20Politics","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/95af29fb-5c71-443d-9382-1c666228579d/search"},"page":{"printed_page":"I 89","pdf_page":89,"physical_index":89,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"97c2fb0b0727f0856cdcc95f89a17357952f9ee3dea91a83d11a93bf21f16a45"},"chapter":"SPEED AND POLITICS","content":"By the middle of the third century, following the collapse of the Lycurgean immobile machine, there remained only about a hundred Spartans who still owned shares of the State. The rest of the population, says Plutarch, became a miserable crowd without legal status, a social mass that the military State had taught to live only for a war that would never come, and that from now on didn't know what to do with its existence. When the State itself survived as no more than a dream of the past, a handful of remaining sadistic customs, the Spartan world sank entirely into anomie.\n\nThe West persists in repeating Plutarch's lesson, \"obeying a law that it doesn't even know, but that it could re<sup>ci</sup>te in its sleep.\" Stasis is death really seems to it to be the general law of the World. The dromocrat constantly stifles the democrat of Lycurgus'-and Mao's-original revolution. It is enough to hear the speeches of today's Chinese leaders about \"consumer goods\" to know that the old thinker did no more than delay the institution in China of the West's fearsome system of intensive growth, and whether it is conveyed by orthodox Marxism or liberalism is of little import! Just as Hitler could only begin lightning warfare through the economic system of Doctor Schacht, and Roosevelt could only begin total warfare through the New Deal.\n\nStasis is death, the general-law of the world. The State-fortress, its power, its laws exist in places of intense circulation. In a recent work, Georges Huppert attacks the common notion that the general and positive sense of history appeared in the eighteenth century and gave rise to important works only in the nineteenth.5 He cites the example of a group of erudites, mostly of the legal profession, who, toward the middle of the sixteenth century, proposed (in the words of one of them, La Popeliniere) \"an idea of perfect history.\" At the same time, the new European States were tending among themselves to reestablish the notion of legitimate war (or legalistic war) , in the Roman manner (Livy, I, 32, 5- 1 5) . The State's historical ideality comes out as soon as war itself is reborn in ideal forms, is technically distinguished (thanks to centralism) from a simple punitive expedition, and tears itself loose from local compromises to approa�h a rigorous original concept.\n\nUnable Bodies\n\nI 89","previous_page":88,"next_page":90}