{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","title":"人工智能和资本主义的未来","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9780745338613","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","id":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","uuid":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","title":"人工智能和资本主义的未来","normalized_title":"人工智能和资本主义的未来","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9780745338613","isbns":["9780745338613","9780745338606","9781786803955","9781786803979","9781786803962"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":225,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/%E4%BA%BA%E5%B7%A5%E6%99%BA%E8%83%BD%E5%92%8C%E8%B5%84%E6%9C%AC%E4%B8%BB%E4%B9%89%E7%9A%84%E6%9C%AA%E6%9D%A5","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/search"},"page":{"printed_page":40,"pdf_page":48,"physical_index":48,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"f9d3e4c690232c9c43ef3d7baf7ba6713da7e87abcc90c26d849c7b87e15afc6"},"chapter":"Digital Barricades: Interventions in Digital Culture and Politics","content":"This sudden urgency about AI on the part of the US state is attributable to the emergence of a serious digital rival: China. In 2017, the People’s Republic announced its Next Generation Artificial Intelligence Development Plan, with initiatives and goals for R&D, industrialization, talent development, education and skills acquisition, standards, regulation, ethics and security. It envisages China becoming the ‘primary’ centre for AI innovation by 2030 (Dutton 2018). Given the immense gulf in technological development that separated China and the US even in 2000, this ambition seems staggering. What gives it some plausibility is both the pace of China’s economic growth since 2000 and changes in the nature of AI development. Kai-Fu Lee (2018), former head of Google China and now a champion of China’s AI programme, argues that the most recent generation of AI – ML in particular – has passed from the moment of watershed breakthroughs to one of innovative application. Lee holds that in this scenario, China has an AI advantage in so far as it possesses large numbers of software engineers (not necessarily of superstar quality, but highly proficient), a fiercely competitive digital capital sector, and huge quantities of data gathered virtually without restraint. He suggests that the United States and China will, by 2030, constitute a state level ‘duopoly’ in terms of control of the AI industry. While his account ends with benign hopes for cooperation, the underlying vectors of intense economic and military competition are all too visible in his account of a ‘new world order’ dominated by ‘AI Superpowers’ (K-F. Lee 2018).\n\n40\n\ninhuman power","previous_page":39,"next_page":41}