{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","title":"人工智能和资本主义的未来","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9780745338613","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","id":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","uuid":"a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","title":"人工智能和资本主义的未来","normalized_title":"人工智能和资本主义的未来","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9780745338613","isbns":["9780745338613","9780745338606","9781786803955","9781786803979","9781786803962"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":225,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/%E4%BA%BA%E5%B7%A5%E6%99%BA%E8%83%BD%E5%92%8C%E8%B5%84%E6%9C%AC%E4%B8%BB%E4%B9%89%E7%9A%84%E6%9C%AA%E6%9D%A5","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/a2eab101-adfc-4a0d-8142-63a4d11cee02/search"},"page":{"printed_page":74,"pdf_page":82,"physical_index":82,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"e2bda1d5668f5d4e4fb51801e86ece715f35b6099d3bcaff65b471aa842a18a2"},"chapter":"Digital Barricades: Interventions in Digital Culture and Politics","content":"Very specific aspects of the crisis of globalization boosted interest in AI. Amid the noise of round-the-world protests, one clear message could be detected: the days of cheap global labour were fading. While revolts in the global North West failed, something else was happening in the South. New generations of industrial labour were finding their own political composition. In China, successive strike waves in the factories of the Pearl River Delta steadily drove wages up. In 2010 protest-suicides in the giant electronic plants of Foxconn, where Apple’s iPhones were assembled by a workforce under quasi-military discipline, flashed around the world. Foxconn’s exasperated owner, Terry Gui, threatened to replace his assembly workers with one million robots. With the first influx of migrants from rural villages to cities exhausted, China’s factories found it increasingly difficult to attract young people to assembly line drudgery. Average hourly wages for China’s manufacturing workers trebled between 2005 and 2016, approaching the hourly rates paid in countries like Greece and Portugal (Gao 2017). This was only one sign of wider problems for globalized capital: in India, striking auto workers burned factories; in Cambodia, garment workers confronted police in the streets. With the sudden implosion of the financial fix, and the slow erosion of the spatial fix of worldwide low-wage locations, capital started to look at a new, more intense technical fix: AI automation.\n\nOther, yet more violent crisis-events drove AI forward. The ‘9/11 destruction of New York’s World Trade Centre in 2001 and the subsequent ‘war on terror’ had stimulated the development of ML technologies to manage vast surveillance systems. Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq continued this momentum, adding drones and other autonomous vehicles using rudimentary machine intelligence to the US counterinsurgency arsenal. Military interest escalated when popular uprisings in Ukraine, Syria, Libya and elsewhere collapsed into civil wars and foreign interventions. As the US, Russia, China, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran squared off in shadow-wars, research and application of ML for surveillance, hacking and cyber-security also accelerated (Sanger 2018; Scharre 2018: Dyer-Witheford and Matviyenko 2019). Just as the Cold War had incubated digital technologies that then found their way into civilian production, so too did New Cold War weaponry work its way back into the front lines of capital’s confrontation with labour, as drones and improved robots entered the workplace.\n\n74\n\ninhuman power","previous_page":73,"next_page":75}