{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6","title":"Marx and the Concept of Historical Time","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6","id":"b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6","uuid":"b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6","title":"Marx and the Concept of Historical Time","normalized_title":"marxandtheconceptofhistoricaltime","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":200,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Marx%20and%20the%20Concept%20of%20Historical%20Time","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/b1ad407a-d523-4f8b-bd50-238767f146d6/search"},"page":{"printed_page":122,"pdf_page":126,"physical_index":126,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"8cb1f3f45093f35f6b9d8b1d2e8a1ed951e2b4bd5d19d919866bad5800bd4a43"},"chapter":"第三章劳工向何处去？","content":"3.2 必要劳动和剩余劳动\n\n剩余劳动和剩余价值的概念为马克思政治经济学批判中概念的复杂谱系和概念之间的关系增加了一个新的维度。与劳动力、抽象劳动和具体劳动的概念不同，剩余劳动和剩余价值从这一批判的一开始就占据了突出地位(假设《政治批判大纲》构成了这一开端)。在《政治批判大纲》中，对剩余劳动和剩余价值的论述要比对劳动力的论述发达得多，因为它已经表明，剩余劳动、剩余价值和劳动力在概念上是不可分割的。然而，更重要的是，这种论述没有以抽象劳动和具体劳动的辩证法为中介。《政治批判大纲》中缺乏抽象劳动的概念是特别重要的。如果像奥斯本所坚持的那样，“抽象劳动和劳动力的概念是不可分离的”，以至于“在本体论上，两者都只是作为理想的客体才是实际的”107，那么剩余劳动的概念也必须如此(即，必须将剩余劳动添加到这个不可分离的概念列表中)。剩余劳动并不等同于抽象劳动。相反，从劳动力的价值和其他一切商品的价值的差别来看，它是抽象劳动。就剩余劳动和剩余价值在《政治批判大纲》中作为发展了的概念发挥作用而言，追溯的逻辑在这里又一次出现了，但前提是它们要通过抽象劳动及其与具体劳动的辩证关系得到重新定义。这一点很重要，因为《政治批判大纲》——不是《1861-63手稿》，也不是《资本论》，它们都非常关注剩余劳动和剩余价值108一可以说包含了关于剩余劳动和剩余价值的最具哲学建设性的段落，主要是因为它们批判地恰当地描述了黑格尔《逻辑学》中界限(施兰克)和界限(格伦泽)之间的区别和关系。109因此，我们可以说——不无讽刺地说——《政治批判大纲》也提供了一些关于抽象劳动的最具哲学建设性的段落。这里的要点是(如果不是贯穿马克思对政治经济学的全部批判的话)追溯性的逻辑同时也是相互构成的逻辑。换句话说，可以说《政治批判大纲》对《资本论》的贡献与《资本论》对《政治批判大纲》的贡献一样多。\n\n正如托姆巴佐斯所描述的那样，剩余价值构成了“商品的隐藏时间”，因为它产生于生产商品所必需的劳动时间和生产商品的劳动力再生产所必需的劳动时间之间的差异\n\n107Osborne, ‘Marx and the philosophy of time’, 19.\n\n108 Surplus-labour and surplus-value do not feature in the Contribution, which is essentially a draft of the first three chapters of the first volume of Capital.\n\n109 See, in particular, Marx, Grundrisse, 415-16 and 420-23.\n\n122","previous_page":121,"next_page":123}