{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","uuid":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","normalized_title":"migrantlabourinthegigeconomytheintersectionofmigrantlabourplatformcapitalismandresistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","isbns":["9783031912610","9783031912627"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":270,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Migrant%20Labour%20in%20the%20Gig%20Economy%20The%20Intersection%20of%20Migrant%20Labour%2C%20Platform%20Capitalism%2C%20and%20Resistance","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/search"},"page":{"printed_page":220,"pdf_page":229,"physical_index":229,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"719be29bdff4bcea57c36e12bc9d777887ce2be311cf0f57ffd34d85e377c01c"},"chapter":"Dynamics ofVirtual Work","content":"6 Migration and Worker Solidarity\n\nThe discussion so far has identified three modes of differentiation that lock migrant platform workers in China in precarity. But as laid out earlier, precarity simultaneously creates possible rallying points for resistance and harbinger novel strategies and discourses for re-embedding the economy in society (Waite, 2009). Related to migrants, Ness (2005) shows how ethnic links among immigrant Mexicans, west Africans and south Asians in New York underlay their solidarity and organized struggle for living wages, humane working conditions, and respect. Similar trends can be observed among migrant platform workers in China.\n\nWhile some argue for the detour of the development of class consciousness among platform workers in China (Liu & Friedman, 2021), in fact, just like ethnic minorities in New York, migrant platform workers in China also actively organized various forms of collective actions to negotiate and talk back to the unfair and harsh conditions they have to confront. When they have to overwork, if the first-generation of migrant workers largely attributed their lack of choice to their own lack of education or ability, migrant platform workers were well aware of the role played by platform and capital in this process. The disposition to act in solidarity to change the situation was thus commonplace among them, partly thanks to their previous experience labouring and resisting in manufacturing sectors. In addition, in my visits to megacities in China, I also constantly heard stories of collective actions among riders and drivers, although such actions were often nipped in the bud—especially in large cities—after the pandemic. As I pointed out earlier, existing studies often understand these actions in terms of labour process factors. In this section, I build on this understanding to highlight how being a migrant contribute to solidarity making and collective mobilization processes.\n\nIn the ride-hailing sector, three main reasons drove migrant drivers to action. First, the reduction in price, which directly adversely affect drivers’ income. This can be rather significant, for example, RMB 400–500 yuan per month less at the same working hours. Second, the surge in driver numbers due to the rapid expansion of VLCs, which both drives down the rate, and dilutes the market. Now more drivers complete for relatively stable numbers of riders at lower price. Third, the proliferation of scams and fraudulents due to lack of proper regulation and oversight in the otherwise exploding car-rental market, for example, VLCs refusing to refund deposits or secretly colluding with microloan companies to entrap drivers in debts etc.. These scams become even more unbearable for drivers given the dwindling income, not to mention the daily grievances generated by despotic algorithmic management, and the discrimination and unreasonable requests by consumers. Therefore, two main targets of drivers’ action include platforms like Didi and VLCs. But how do drivers form solidarity and coordinate action when their work process is geographically dispersed and socially individualized? Existing literature, in explaining this, often highlight (1) geographical arrangement of ride-hailing work; (2) the availability of free space; and (3) the role of social media in this process (e.g. Tassinari & Maccarrone, 2020; Wells et al., 2021). My observation echoes these findings. These structural conditions are indeed important for solidarity making among platform drivers in China. Yet these structural conditions alone will not automatically produce solidarity. And my findings further suggest that being a migrant under the skill, gender and hukou-based modes of differentiation contributes to their solidarity and collective action in several ways.\n\n220\n\nY. ZHOU","previous_page":219,"next_page":221}