{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","uuid":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","normalized_title":"migrantlabourinthegigeconomytheintersectionofmigrantlabourplatformcapitalismandresistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","isbns":["9783031912610","9783031912627"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":270,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Migrant%20Labour%20in%20the%20Gig%20Economy%20The%20Intersection%20of%20Migrant%20Labour%2C%20Platform%20Capitalism%2C%20and%20Resistance","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/search"},"page":{"printed_page":222,"pdf_page":231,"physical_index":231,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"6921cda605146591ef725988eaa831f86e31ed7fcc1998f944a93e1b12c2c434"},"chapter":"Dynamics ofVirtual Work","content":"Entering the sector in this way, although no strong trust ties can be guaranteed, it nevertheless can bring social relations of migration back in the labour process that otherwise tries to extinct social relations as such, thus providing the basis for drivers to build social relations and associations that in turn form the basis for solidarity. In my fieldwork, drivers form among themselves both offline and online groups, which revolve either around gathering points or vehicle leasing companies. In both types of associations, the formation and sustaining of such groups are strongly mediated by drivers’ laoxiang and peer networks, although relations in those revolving around gathering points were often closer than those revolving around vehicle leasing companies. In a given city/area, these two types of groups were often interconnected, by nodal drivers, again through laoxiang and peer networks ties.\n\nSecond, being a male migrant also significantly shapes the drivers’ collective framing of their grievances, diagnostic or prognostic. Specifically, when discussing their grievances before action, the way they invoke and frame their experience always highlight their identity not just as workers (in relation to employers), but also male migrants. For example, they would constantly complain that they have limited access to social security and social support in cities; they were discriminated against by urban passengers which is insulting and unbearable for them as men. When mobilizing, they constantly frame resistance of exploitation in terms of defence of dignity, and they believe that they should do so because this is what is required of being a real man: ‘men should be courageous and far-sighted to act in the face of humiliation and injustice, regardless of the results’.\n\nThe third way being a migrant plays a role in their solidarity and collective action concerns the process of mobilization. In moments of insurgence, laoxiang and peer networks, and their interconnection with each other—however weak the connection might be—allows the strike information to be disseminated as wide as possible across the city. More importantly, the close groups drivers developed among themselves based on laoxiang and peer networks provide strong trust base in the organization of action and initial mobilization, which is especially important when there were widespread concern that spies from Didi and VLCs might infiltrate, and the political risks of collective actions under the increasingly repressive political environment is high.\n\n222\n\nY. ZHOU","previous_page":221,"next_page":223}