{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","uuid":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","normalized_title":"migrantlabourinthegigeconomytheintersectionofmigrantlabourplatformcapitalismandresistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","isbns":["9783031912610","9783031912627"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":270,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Migrant%20Labour%20in%20the%20Gig%20Economy%20The%20Intersection%20of%20Migrant%20Labour%2C%20Platform%20Capitalism%2C%20and%20Resistance","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/search"},"page":{"printed_page":28,"pdf_page":43,"physical_index":43,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"81f6a016c837e1ea54a488447a79b9060ee8585dba6a2bb4ceeb3a85ab7d0d67"},"chapter":"Dynamics ofVirtual Work","content":"The problematic effects of the crisis were not only being felt by an ‘underclass’ or specific sub-groups within the workforce, such as migrants. Instead, the crisis has been impacting wider groups across the lower and middle classes (Kretsos, 2012). Nevertheless, it is accurate to state that the economic crisis impacting the Greek economy had significant and varied effects on migrants’ livelihoods (Fratsea, 2019; Fratsea & Papadopoulos, 2020; Papadopoulos & Fratsea, 2022).\n\nThe crisis further skyrocketed the notion of coercive geographies that significantly shape the living conditions of documented and especially undocumented migrants (Cheliotis, 2017; Kasimis et al., 2015). For example, xenophobia against migrants increased, while the systematic detaining of all irregular immigrants became official policy (UN Human Rights Council, 2013). To sum up, the gig economy in Greece emerged in a heavily politicized and polarized context embedded in and shaped by the modern political economy and the transformation dynamics of Greek capitalism after a massive in-scale and depth austerity policy. Further, the precariousness of migrant labour is not merely a consequence of economic crises or the gig economy, but rather a result of specific policy decisions by the Greek state in the last three decades (Triandafyllidou, 2015).\n\nThe emergence of the gig economy in Greece and its impact on migrant labour cannot be examined without those historical and contextual elements. Certain scholars like Huliaras and Sotiropoulos (2021) perceive the rise of the gig economy as an opportunity for the Greek economy and the younger generations that have long suffered from comparatively higher than the EU accounts levels of unemployment and intermittent work. In an opposite vein, in the current analysis, we argue that the gig economy serves as a new force that exacerbates the existing disorganization within Greek capitalism, resulting in more temporary and contingent contracts and work arrangements. This phenomenon is particularly evident in the case of migrants working in the Greek labour market, as will be discussed later.\n\nIt is also reflected in the mobilization of e-food delivery workers in 2001, which made visible that things are not always rosy for gig workers in Greece. More specifically, in September 2021 the management of the efood platform, part of the German-owned company Delivery Hero, sent a letter to its 1.000 delivery workers that the company is planning to offer jobs only on a freelance basis. Those workers who disagreed with this decision had no choice other than to stop working with the company from next month. A massive mobilization by the company’s trade union followed against this decision. Such mobilization though was met with growing support by social media activists, individual consumers, and the opposition political parties (Vrikki & Lekakis, 2024). Finally, and under conditions of growing social pressure and media attention, the management decided to accept the union’s claims and offer jobs to all delivery workers under full-time and indefinite contracts.\n\n28\n\nL. KRETSOS AND V. CHARITSIS","previous_page":27,"next_page":29}