{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","id":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","uuid":"ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title":"Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance","normalized_title":"migrantlabourinthegigeconomytheintersectionofmigrantlabourplatformcapitalismandresistance","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9783031912610","isbns":["9783031912610","9783031912627"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":270,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Migrant%20Labour%20in%20the%20Gig%20Economy%20The%20Intersection%20of%20Migrant%20Labour%2C%20Platform%20Capitalism%2C%20and%20Resistance","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/ce325a04-5bc9-4819-a776-439d90410b32/search"},"page":{"printed_page":5,"pdf_page":21,"physical_index":21,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"b7abab803eb969fcf9f48108273046a55d1151ea2eb17692bfe76f130278c038"},"chapter":"Dynamics ofVirtual Work","content":"2 Platform Capitalism and the Uberization of Urban Transport in London\n\nOn May 2, 2024, British newspapers reported that over 10,500 London black-cab drivers had filed a £250 million lawsuit against Uber, accusing the company of violating taxi booking regulations and deliberately misleading authorities to obtain a license. The case revives a claim first made five years earlier concerning Uber’s operations in the capital between 2012 and 2018. The cab drivers allege that Uber enabled its drivers to accept bookings directly from customers rather than through a centralized system as required for private hire services, making them suffering financial losses due to unfair competition. They claim Uber was fully aware of these regulations but misrepresented its booking process to Transport for London (TfL) to secure its license, unfairly taking business away from black-cab drivers.\n\nIf successful, the lawsuit could see cab drivers awarded over £250 million, with individuals potentially receiving £25,000 or more. Uber has denied all allegations, calling the claims ‘completely unfounded.’ A company spokesperson asserted that Uber operates legally in London is fully licensed by TfL and continues to serve millions of passengers and drivers across the city. Although Uber has denied all allegations, calling the claims ‘completely unfounded,’ if successful, the lawsuit could see cab drivers awarded over £250 million, with individuals potentially receiving £25,000 or more.\n\nA further example of platform economy, Uber exemplifies the shift toward platform capitalism and gig work, where digital platforms mediate and extract value from user interactions. As highlighted by Nick Srnicek (2017), Uber uses data and network effects to dominate markets while disrupting traditional business models. By avoiding direct employment of drivers, the company sidesteps obligations like minimum wage, healthcare, and transfer risks to worker (Rosenblat & Stark, 2016; Woodcock & Graham, 2020).\n\nSince its emergence in the early 2010s, Uber has transformed urban transportation. By leveraging smartphone technology, Uber connects passengers with drivers, offering a more convenient and affordable alternative to traditional taxis. Its success lies in its affordability for customers and flexible—albeit precarious—work opportunities for drivers. Customers benefit from low fares, while drivers, often migrants or individuals from lower-income groups, gain access to flexible work with minimal barriers to entry. Uber’s asset-light business model, relying on drivers to supply vehicles and riders to use their smartphones, enabled rapid global expansion with minimal financial risk, allowing investments in branding and market growth instead of costly physical assets. London has been a key site for Uber’s success since its launch in 2012. The city’s large population and high demand for transportation made it a prime market, where Uber now dominates the ride-hailing sector with 67% market share, followed by competitors like Bolt. By 2023, Uber had over 45,000 licensed drivers in London, playing a critical role in the city’s transportation system. However, Uber’s expansion has highlighted significant social and economic inequalities. Most of London’s private hire vehicle (PHV) drivers are ethnic minorities or migrants, many of whom turn to Uber for flexible employment due to challenges in traditional labor markets. Research shows that the vast majority of Uber drivers are male immigrants, primarily drawn from the bottom half of the London income distribution (Berger et al., 2019; Gebrial, 2024). This racialized workforce contrasts sharply with the predominantly white and higher-earning black-cab drivers. Although Uber provides economic opportunities for marginalized groups, many drivers face low earnings, job insecurity, and long working hours, often leading to dissatisfaction and collective actions such as strikes.\n\n1 INTRODUCTION: MIGRANT LABOUR IN THE PLATFORM …\n\n5","previous_page":4,"next_page":6}