{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4","title":"State Platform Capitalism","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9781009619714","requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4","id":"d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4","uuid":"d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4","title":"State Platform Capitalism","normalized_title":"stateplatformcapitalism","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":"9781009619714","isbns":["9781009619714","9781009446594","9781009446587"],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":98,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/State%20Platform%20Capitalism","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/d06b946b-6924-4f30-afbd-92f915edbae4/search"},"page":{"printed_page":22,"pdf_page":27,"physical_index":27,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"9fef31896086010f30fa3b2b98d6201a7a9c1a67ab92fc63b51851c88a2a2129"},"chapter":"Cambridge Elements","content":"Schmidt was launching his new initiative, the Special Competitive Studies Project (SCSP). Explicitly modelled on Henry Kissinger’s ‘Special Studies Project’, the Rockefeller-funded bipartisan initiative which built public consent and enthusiasm for the massive military and technology investments needed to prosecute the Cold War, Schmidt’s SCSP would bring together leading industry figures and politicians to cement the consensus for public investments in digital technologies to counter the ‘China challenge’. He emphasized that the ‘unifying idea of SCSP is competition, both within the various players in our system and between countries. This competition makes us stronger, not weaker. We need to win that competition’ (Schmidt, 2022).\n\nSchmidt’s close collaboration with the Biden administration came to an end with the return of Donald Trump to the White House. But the personal intimacy between big tech leaders and state managers did not. The front row of Donald Trump’s presidential inauguration at St John’s Episcopal Church in January 2025 was reserved for Google CEO Sundar Pichai, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, Apple CEO Tim Cook, Amazon’s JeffBezos, and Tesla CEO Elon Musk – a clear signal of the privileged access to the levers of statehood to be granted to platform leaders. This section charts the central role ofplatform firms in driving the US global digital technology dominance, before examining how the state and platform firms are increasingly collaborating to defend this dominance in the face of growing Chinese competition.\n\n3.2 The US Stack\n\nThe United States is home to the world’s most dynamic technology sector, whose firms dominate all nearly all key layers of the technology stack. Chip designer NVIDIA’s market capitalization is roughly equivalent to the top-forty publicly listed German firms, while Microsoft’s exceeds the entire FTSE 100 (Nikou Asgari et al., 2024). The United States has spawned the world’s largest platforms, whose global footprint is so ubiquitous that by some accounts it constitutes a form of ‘digital colonialism’ in its relations with other countries (Kwet, 2019). Moreover, the US tech sector is deepening its ties with the American state (González, 2024). Platform firms are central to this trend.\n\n22\n\nReinventing Capitalism","previous_page":21,"next_page":23}