{"resolved":true,"match_type":"uuid","source_type":"original_book","book_id":"e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"requested_by":"printed_page","book":{"source_type":"original_book","book_id":"e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8","id":"e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8","uuid":"e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8","title":"Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics","normalized_title":"democracyandotherneoliberalfantasiescommunicativecapitalismandleftpolitics","author":null,"edition":null,"publisher":null,"year":null,"isbn":null,"isbns":[],"parsed":true,"ai_readable":true,"document_type":"book","page_count":229,"navigation_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8","title_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/title/Democracy%20and%20Other%20Neoliberal%20Fantasies%20Communicative%20Capitalism%20and%20Left%20Politics","fixed_page_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/ai/book/e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8/page/{printed_page}","path_api_url_template":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/book/e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8/page/{printed_page}","read_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/read/e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8","page_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8/page","search_url":"https://workshop.closeclaw.top/api/ai/books/e38ef66b-e3ac-494b-b5ea-9cc05b2975d8/search"},"page":{"printed_page":125,"pdf_page":135,"physical_index":135,"physical_index_base":0,"printed_page_status":"recognized","page_sha256":"f9c4a4943338da548eb35a577647dcb636a0829c0dfe0b15ecfa7208ab451fc4"},"chapter":"Comunicative Capitalism & Left Politics","content":"The claim that governmentality has replaced sovereignty is crucial to Butler's critique of critical legal studies arguments in favor of regulating hate speech. She argues that a \"particular historical anxiety\" accompanies the dispersion of power characteristic of governmentality, and she links this anxiety to problems in locating injury and finding the origin of specific acts. The historical loss of the sovereign organization of power gives rise to the fantasy of its return ( ES, 78) . Butler finds evidence of such fantastic returns in idealizations of speech acts as sovereign actions coupled with idealizations of sovereign state power. These idealizations, she claims, underpin arguments for hate-speech codes. Fantasies of sovereign power emerge to compensate for a prior loss of sovereign power. The fantasies that in speaking one wields sovereign power and that state speech takes a sovereign form compensate for the absence of such a sovereign.\n\nAlthough one might do well to note the Nietzschean resonances in Butler's reading of legai theorists' eforts to produce a subject capable of being responsible, such an approach misses the way sovereignty in Butler's account functions as a master signifer linking together an unstable chain of significations. Butler's criticism presumes that holding a person legally accountable for her words requires viewing that person as a sovereign speaker, as an originator of words, a controller of words, a user of words who remains unbound and unconditioned by them. For Butler, hatespeech codes overdetermine \"the scene of utterance\" as they reduce racism. to a single linguistic site. This reduction, she explains, presupposes the eficacy of the speaker in injuring and subordinating another through the force of her speech. It presupposes, in other words, the fantasy of a sovereign speaker, of a speaker capable of consolidating at a single site the structures, practices, and harms of racism.\n\nETHIC S\n\n125","previous_page":124,"next_page":126}