Migrant Labour in the Gig Economy The Intersection of Migrant Labour, Platform Capitalism, and Resistance

5 The Platformised Food Delivery in Venice

The City of Venice comprises three main areas, with a population of over 253.000 residents: the coastal area, the mainland (which includes Marghera and Mestre), and the old town, which is recognised worldwide as the historical, political, administrative, cultural, and symbolic heart of the city. The mainland is the most populated area, with almost 177.000 residents and has a lower cost of living than the old town. According to the statistical office of the Municipality,¹ in 2023 the City of Venice hosts 40.777 immigrants, distributed as follows: 34.611 in the mainland, 4.670 in the old town, and 1.489 in the coastal area. Since 2002, the proportion of migrants in the total population has increased from 2.5% to 16%, with a peak of incidence in Mestre (26.4%) and Marghera (27.5%).² Previous research (Cillo & Perocco, 2016; Fabrucci & Della Puppa, 2022; Iannuzzi, 2023) suggests that the attractiveness of Venice for migrants is linked to its complex economic and productive fabric, which revolves around two main industries: tourism and shipbuilding, although the latter has been facing a decline. Both tourism and shipbuilding, as well as construction industry, attract contingent and just-in-time workforce employed with a-typical labour contract. However, while both these sectors have unstable working conditions, on the other hand, they can be attractive to vulnerable workers, such as migrant workers who experience difficulties in entering the labour market. In this regard, there are similarities with food delivery platform work.

These data, together with the urban peculiarities of the old town where the mobility is allowed only by foot and by boat, explain why the food delivery sector landed in the mainland and only recently, more precisely in 2021 during the lockdown due to the Covid-19 pandemic, in the historical city.

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¹ https://www.comune.venezia.it/it/content/statistica-statistiche-popolazione-0. Accessed: 06/04/2024.

² https://www.ripensarevenezia.it/mercato-lavoro-crescita-stranieri-rischio-zonizzazi one/. Accessed: 06/04/2024.

The app-based food delivery work in Venice is an emblematic case of errand economy, that is «the process of transforming all workers, regardless of skill level, into people who do the footwork, gruntwork, legwork, and odd jobs under a newly formed working regime» (Demir, 2024). The main traits that characterised the food delivery in Venice and distinguish it from other case are two. One, immediately visible, is that couriers in the old town are “walker” rather than rider. This is due to the specific conditions of this part of the city, where the mobility is allowed only by foot and by boat. The uniqueness of Venice old town is also reflected in the geolocalisation system such as Google Maps, which may not work properly in some cases as it is designed for standard urban settings. Walker working conditions may be inconvenienced by the mismatch between the assigned orders and the location of collection and delivery points, reflecting an element of uncertainty. Although kilometres travelled are between the variables considered by the Glovo’ algorithm for remuneration, there are sometimes discrepancies between the route length indicated by the app and the actual distance travelled. For instance, this issue arises from the assumption made by Google Maps that the “vaporetto” (the water bus service) will be used to cross the Grand Canal. This is an issue because Glovo specifies that the kilometres multiplier is based on the shortest route recommended by Maps. Therefore, if a longer route is taken, the payment will not reflect this change. Additionally, tourists also use Google Maps, which can cause walkers to be slowed down by the tourist traffic crowding the calli in the historic centre.

The second characteristic is the contrived distinction operated by Glovo between the mainland and the old town, so that walkers can’t work with the same profile as rider. As a result, couriers who live in the mainland and work in the historic centre must make an unpaid commute, as they are moving between two different cities. This has important impacts. On weekdays, walkers typically work during the “diamond hours” from 6 to 11 pm, as well as during the morning and lunch slots from 11 am to 3 pm. During the first four months after Glovo entered the old town urban market, walkers were guaranteed a payment of 7 euros per hour as per the National Collective Labour Agreement of the category (CCNL Rider). This had a positive impact on their working experience as their average earnings were not solely dependent on piecework.

As the next paragraphs will show, this specific arrangement of appbased food delivery work, far from guaranteeing complete autonomy to the couriers, results in a “binding-flexibility”.

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(Apparent) Flexibility: A Recurring Theme in Walkers’ Narratives

Flexibility emerged as a recurring theme in the narratives of interviewees regarding their job:

My feeling now is only studying and working. I only have morning classes from Monday to Thursday. I decided to study and doing other stuff from morning until afternoon and in the evening I always work from 6 pm until 10 pm. Then, in the weekend I also take afternoon hours for work. I move to the historic centre by tram or bus, and it takes around 20 minutes (one way). It is not a problem (Walker Ari).

In some cases, the job provided an opportunity to disconnect from academic responsibilities and explore Venice. As Ari noted, «I appreciate the flexibility of this job. I can schedule and cancel hours at my convenience; if I am not feeling well or in the mood to work, I simply cancel my slots. Walking around this beautiful city is enjoyable and refreshing». In other cases, health benefits were emphasised: «I sought this type of job because it fits into my spare time. Walking around Venice is healthy, and I am losing weight while exploring different places» (student-walker Gul).

Despite these positive aspects, it is essential to consider the formal restrictions influencing migrants to work as walkers. These constraints arise from various administrative factors, including EU and national migration policies that restrict mobility, thus making migrants more vulnerable.

Besides, proficiency in Italian was a pivotal factor in the decision to become a walker. For instance. For example,

Honestly, if I was in my country, I wouldn’t do this kind of job (courier). But I don’t know Italian and it is important to know it if you want to work. In relation to my current job (waiter in a pub), earning is more in my current job and with Glovo sometimes you can’t work (for example depending on the weather) and sometimes is not easy to find pick-up point or destination. I choose to move to another work for earning, because everyday I know I have a specific amount of earning, but in Glovo you don’t know. So, I change job because of the certainty of gain. For example, it doesn’t depend on weather, or the days, or not just walking. Glovo doesn’t have the certainty of customers for every day (Walker Ham).

The language barrier limits entry into the local labour market, making multinational digital platforms like Glovo more attractive. This limitation is reinforced by local platform providers, such as Cocaiexpress, which require proficiency in Italian. One Cocaiexpress owner stated, “The only barrier is for people who don’t speak Italian, due to internal logistical reasons, as we do not have an English application form” (Cocaiexpress owner 2). Recognising this gap, Cocaiexpress initiated a language project:

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since not speaking Italian makes it impossible [to work] we have set up the “English project”, which is a phrasebook that they should study and then come here and talk to us to see if they can understand the minimum needed to do the job. So, they commit to coming once a week to our space and using Italian to show us that they are serious and that they are interested in immersing themselves in the local community, becoming part of our group (Cocaiexpress’ owner 1).

Gul highlighted the advantages of Glovo’s inclusive language policy: «I applied to Glovo because I can use English and my limited Italian. They understand me despite my mistakes, which is why I prefer Glovo over Cocaiexpress». However, this inclusiveness comes with a doubleedged sword. Glovo’s algorithmic management can discriminate based on performance scores and the internal logic of the algorithm. Yet, its automated procedures and user-friendly interface, aligned with the predatory inclusion logic (McMillan Cottom, 2020), do not explicitly exclude vulnerable migrants who lack Italian proficiency or proper documentation.

The dual roles of students and walkers shape their schedules significantly. The following excerpt illustrates this:

I wake up in the morning and I go for classes: usually I have four or three days of classes during the week and most of my classes are in San Giobbe campus. Then I go to the “mensa” because I am a scholarship student, so I eat food there, then I go back home in Mestre like around 12/13 to take my bag and I come back to Venice by bus, and I start working until 15 (more or less two hours). Then I go back home and sometimes I go the library in the Mestre centro to study until the evening, when I go to my house to arrange stuff and cooking something. Then more or less at 18 I pick up my Glovo bag and I move again to Venice to work from 19 until 21 (sometimes 22) and I finished my work. So, this is my routine (student-walker Sha).

Commuting is a crucial aspect of the binding-flexibility, as Glovo doesn’t consider Venice as unique entity, but the algorithm divides it between Mestre and Marghera (the mainland) and the old city. So, couriers cannot use the same Glovo profile across these regions, which is a significant constraint, especially since all the migrant walkers interviewed live on the mainland. This formal division imposed by Glovo strictly influences the walkers’ organisation. For example, «I log-in in Marghera 30 minutes before the slot begin, I have to take a bus to go to the historic centre. I have to be there before the slot starts. It is important because if you come late and you can’t get an order, the order is reassigned and if you reassign order to much time, you receive [pay] adjustement» (student-walker Aza).

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Things changed after the elimination of the hourly guaranteed payment:

it used to be very good in Mestre, but the number of riders exponentially increased in Mestre since last two months. Then Glovo started its operations in Venice and people was earning a good amount of money because of the hourly guaranteed payment whether you get order or not, but now is getting a bit of problem… It was good in Venice, but it’s no good now because Glovo quitted the guaranteed payment and there are not orders especially in the morning hours (student-walker Sha).

The binding-flexibility mechanism is particularly evident during “diamond hours”, peak demand periods on the weekends. These hours are non-negotiable, and opting out results in reduced work slots and performance ratings. As one interviewee explained, «Slot management restricts working according to personal schedules. Avoiding weekend work, even for rest, reduces slot availability» (Student-Walker Alh). This condition has been perceived as stressful by some student-walker, especially in initial phase:

I find the initial phase stressful because of the need to constantly monitor the app for slot availability. However, once accustomed to the weekly slot selection process, the stress diminishes. Nonetheless, missing out on slots translates to missed opportunities for orders, and absence during weekends leads to a decline in performance ratings (student-walker Aza).

Despite this condition, Aza remarked on the facilitative aspect of Glovo in enabling a balance between work and study commitments, contrasting with the rigidity of fixed-hour jobs where such balance would be more challenging to attain.

At the beginning, receiving work tools (the bag, powerbank, etc.) free of charge and a 7-euro guaranteed hourly wage were a positive factor for walkers for two reasons: first, the initial cost of the tools was not passed onto them; second, thanks to the minimum hourly wage, workers were less exposed to the performance logic of piecework. The elimination of the guaranteed payment, however, increased the reliance on piecework, reducing earnings and autonomy. As Aza noted, «With the 7-euro hourly rate, I earned 1.000 euros monthly by working five hours daily. Now, I earn a maximum of 700 euros». Another student-walker expressed dissatisfaction: «We sacrifice our social lives, missing out on time with friends and communal meals. Arriving home late means eating alone, which is a significant drawback. Dedicating time to Glovo without adequate financial return and missing out on social activities makes the job less worthwhile» (Student-Walker Sha).

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“Algochronos”: A Hypothesis

To fully grasp the binding-flexibility in the app-based food delivery a step further is needed, including in the analysis a variety of elements beyond the labour process strictu sensu. In this regard, the rhytmanalysis (Lefebvre, 2004) is insightful approach. As a matter of fact, the analysis of empirical data outlines what can be termed “algochronos”. This concept refers to the intricate interplay between algorithmic management and temporal aspects of gig work, particularly in the context of food delivery services like Glovo in Venice. Algochronos blends the terms algorithm and chronos (Greek for time), reflecting how algorithmic systems shape and dictate the temporal organisation of gig workers’ lives. Algochronos is informed by three key elements:

algorithmic time management: refers to how digital platforms (like glovo) use algorithms to manage and allocate work schedules, tasks, and performance metrics. This includes determining peak hours, assigning orders, and evaluating worker performance.

temporal boundaries and constraints: highlights the constraints imposed by algorithmic management on the personal time and flexibility of gig workers. This includes mandatory peak hours (like “diamond hours”), inflexible scheduling, and the impact on work-life balance.

impact on everyday life: describes how algorithmic decisions affect the daily routines and activities of gig workers, such as commuting patterns, availability for work slots, and overall work-life integration.

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Algochronos takes inspiration from concepts such as algorhythmic city (Zampoukos et al., 2024), which shed light on the tension between the indispensable role of gig workers in the city infrastructure and the reduced possibilities to reproduce themselves. It also dialogues with the temporal borders notion as used by scholars such as Olivia Maury and colleagues (2024), highlighting the administrative dimension of time constraints inscribed in migrants’ permits that strictly channel their everyday life, what they can (not) do, which kind of job, etc. While considering the aforementioned insights, the term algochronos, echoing Thompson’s reflection on time and work discipline (1967) focuses more on the algorithmic time and managerial model as a tool to discipline gig workers (in this case, couriers), that contribute to punctuate, directly and indirectly, their everyday lives.

In the case of Venice’s app-based food delivery, algochronos illuminates how the unique urban and logistical challenges (e.g. navigating canals, specific geolocation issues, non-standard urban configurations, overcrowding, etc.) intersect with algorithmic management, which is blind with regard to this contextual. This intersection often leads to discrepancies in workload distribution, pay calculations, and worker evaluations based on factors beyond their control (e.g. technical glitches in navigation systems) overcrowding These contingencies adversely impact the organisation of workers’ lives, consequently disrupting the balance between work and personal life.

Technical contingencies, which are beyond the control of the walker, manifest during the execution of the job. These contingencies are associated with two primary aspects of algorithmic management: first, the contingencies and fallibility of applications and geolocation systems, and second, the order allocation mechanism that operates along the trajectory from the pick-up point to the delivery destination. In certain instances, geolocation systems such as Google Maps have proven inadequate for the unique urban context of Venice. This inadequacy arises due to the city’s specific urban and architectural characteristics, which diverge from the “standard” urban model for which geolocation systems are designed. These technical contingencies adversely affect workers in ways that are not reflective of their performance. For example, the ratings of walker are influenced by customer evaluations, where delays in delivery can result in negative assessments. Furthermore, the algorithmic management of remuneration considers the distance travelled. However, the distance indicated by the application may be underestimated as it does not precisely locate the exact destination. Additionally, the application often considers the use of the waterbus to traverse the canals, such as the “Grand Canal”. Nevertheless, it is improbable that a walker would opt to take the waterbus, as it does not significantly reduce travel time due to waiting times for the vehicle and queues. Consequently, they may take longer routes than those indicated, without receiving appropriate remuneration. This discrepancy arises because remuneration is based on map calculations that consider only the shortest route marked by the maps, as expressly stated in the Glovo application.

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Although binding-flexibility potentially affects all platform workers, migrants face additional burdens due to the temporal borders imposed by visa and residence permits. As Gul. stated, «[with my student visa] I can’t do any work I like, so Glovo is the best job for students». As a matter of fact, in Italy residence permits for studying impose a weekly working limit of 20 hours for standard employment. The binding aspect of the student visa appeared also within the food delivery sector, channelling the working possibility of extra-EU students: «Deliveroo doesn’t give students an account because I am not from Italy. I am a resident in Pakistan, and my “permesso di soggiorno” is only for “studio”. Glovo is the only company that gives students an account and offers the chance to work. Deliveroo, on the other hand, prefers people who have a “permesso di soggiorno per lavoro”. This is why I applied for Glovo, and they accepted me» (student-walker Sha). This was a factor that pushed many students to work as walker in the old town, instead of in the mainland.

6 Conclusions

The case study of Venice’s old town served as a unique focal point for an in-depth examination of the digitalised food delivery service, particularly as it has recently entered this part of the city with distinct features, notably the use of walkers or runners instead of riders. While platform work presents an opportunity for marginalised individuals and migrants to supplement their income due to its low entry barriers, closer scrutiny reveals several limitations on the autonomy of walkers in managing their work and personal schedules. This tension arises from several factors: the absence of a free log-in option, the formal segregation imposed by Glovo between the mainland and the historic centre, which restricts walkers from working as riders, the elimination of the guaranteed payment of 7 euros per hour, and the language barrier in Italian. This has led to varied outcomes concerning the perceived flexibility of the work, leaning more towards a notion of “binding-flexibility”.

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The combined status of being both a student and a migrant carried significant formal and practical consequences. Due to restrictions imposed by their student residence permits, they were only permitted to engage in occasional work, with strict limits on their weekly working hours. Consequently, they turned to digital platforms like Glovo, which offered low barriers to entry, as the most expedient means of supplementing their income. Despite the prevalent notion of flexibility associated with appbased food delivery jobs, our research uncovered certain inflexibilities. For instance, Glovo couriers registered as walkers in the historic centre were prohibited from working as riders in the mainland of Venice. This circumstance significantly impacted the lives of those couriers compelled to operate solely in the historic centre, forcing them to account for the (uncompensated) time spent commuting to work and reshaping their daily routines accordingly. Some of the student-walkers we interviewed emphasised that their primary focus was on studying, yet they also highlighted the challenges of striking a balance between their academic commitments and the imperative for additional income.

References

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